Clearly, the White House has pulled the lever on the trapdoor under the snarling, battering ram political career of Congressman Tom DeLay. The abandonment of the man with the legendary whip hand and a heart of stone cold conservatism by Mssrs. Rove and Cheney and their man Bush was so familiar. When politicians step too far, when power corrupts, when the tipping point is reached, the fall can be breathtaking.
I've seen this play before; indeed, in the Bronx in the 1980s, I played a minor but memorable (to me) part in the precipitous fall of three powerful pols.
In those days, the Democratic Party ruled New York's three mainland outer boroughs with almost absolute power. Brooklyn, Queens, and the Bronx were the big three in city politics, with alliances of their powerful borough presidents, county leaders, and myriad state and city officials holding majority power in the old Board of Estimate. Each borough was a patchwork quilt of competing but tightly-knitted interests: local political clubs, the county committee, school boards, district leaders. The vote belonged to the borough president but the power usually resided in the county leader. That leader had near absolute power over the Democratic line on the ballot for State Senate, Assembly, Congress, and the judgeships. (Indeed, in those days, it wasn't so much Republicans vs. Democrats as regular Democrats vs. so-called "reform" Democrats, a sub-species of ork that espoused high ideals in public, but could usually be bought off in the backroom).
Now, Tom DeLay may be a national figure, scare the hell out of his Republican Congressional sheep, and command an army of snarling conservative poilus, but I guarantee that even on his best day, DeLay never had as much control over his organization as Stanley Friedman did on his worst.
Friedman was both a legend his time - and in his mind. He followed in the grand Tammany tradition - adjusted for more ethnically diverse times - and was the successor to FDR protege Ed Flynn, among others. He made judges, pure and simple. He was also a wonderfully picaresque character with a love of intrique and deal-making and symbolism. As a 24-year-old political reporter for The Riverdale Press in 1986 when Friedman was indicted for racketeering, I believed he'd beat the charges because he was Stanley Friedman. The system didn't punish him; he ran the system. But I was wrong, as Time Magazine recounted on its pages that year:
The trial involved payoffs in an obscure New York City agency, but the cast of characters and sordid details made for great drama. Here was Donald Manes, borough president of Queens and a powerful Democratic Party boss who killed himself by thrusting a kitchen knife into his chest last March just as the inquiry got under way. Here was Bronx Democratic Leader Stanley Friedman, an equally mighty politico who was accused of bribing Manes to arrange a city contract with a company in which Friedman held stock. The case pitted Manhattan U.S. Attorney Rudolph Giuliani, a prosecutor with political ambitions, against Thomas Puccio, the attorney who won acquittal for Claus von Bulow on charges that he tried to kill his wife. The prosecution's chief witness was a confessed extortionist who had set up a phony clinic where, he admitted, he had sex with several patients. After four days of deliberations, the jury last week found Friedman and three others guilty of racketeering and bribery. Friedman vowed to go on fighting, and he was as good as his word. Shortly after the verdict, Friedman scuffled with a woman photographer and was promptly arrested on assault charges.
Later that night, as I recall it, Friedman returned to the Bronx for an emergency meeting of the county Democratic committee in their wood-panelled second story office in strip mall on Williamsbridge Road. I sat on the stairs outside the the committee room with the other reporters. A terse, typed statement soon followed. Friedman was out, just like that.
An appeal was promised. Belief in his innocence and probity was proclaimed. But it was over, and the fall was fast. Within the year, the other two most powerful Democrats, Borough President Stanley Simon and Congressman Mario Biaggi, were also gone, headed for jail.
Power vacates quickly. Those in the political game will always almost act in self interest. And as the stories and investigations into DeLay's empire grow and spread and worsen, you can feel the self interest shifting. When a wound becomes palpably mortal, "friends" move in quickly the finish the job, euthanize the injured, staunch the bleeding, and save themselves.
Ask Stanley Friedman. A written statement is forthcoming.